If Herzog pardons Bibi, he’ll enrage the left, but if he doesn’t, he’ll risk slighting Trump
For Saar, however, the assignment is a gift. The trip positions him as an influential figure in Washington. Unlike foreign ministers in previous Netanyahu governments — labeled “potted plants” — Saar is perceived as a diplomatic actor whom Netanyahu actually counts. The preferential treatment stems not only from appreciation of Saar’s diplomatic abilities but also from political arithmetic; his presence in the coalition, providing four additional seats, extended the government’s life and put Netanyahu firmly in the driver’s seat.
Gaza was also on the agenda during Netanyahu’s three-hour meeting in Washington last week, yet it was clear to all that the paramount objective remains Iran.
Upon returning to Israel, Netanyahu reassured the ministers “to the right of the right,” as his circle calls them, that Israel and the United States see eye-to-eye on the goal in Gaza: the total demilitarization of Hamas. All weapons, even light weapons, will be eliminated. Hamas won’t be able to launch even a single incendiary kite.
The utopian goal of a demilitarized Gaza will not be achieved by Indonesian forces stationed in the Strip. But that’s only if the grand deal collapses and the IDF reconquers Gaza. Here, too, as with the question of striking Iran, Netanyahu prefers not to be perceived — either in Washington or in American public opinion — as the one who blew up the agreement, but rather as the one who gave it a chance, working with the administration until it failed.
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